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Here lay the political genius of Franklin Roosevelt: that in his own time he knew what were the questions that had to be answered, even though he himself did not always find the full answer.

Walter Lippmann

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Walter Lippmann
Age: 85 †
Born: 1889
Born: September 23
Died: 1974
Died: December 14
Journalist
Politician
Writer
New York City
New York
Though
Answered
Political
Lays
Find
Questions
Even
Answer
Always
Genius
Time
Answers
Knew
Roosevelt
Full
Franklin

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So far as I am concerned I have no doctrinaire belief in free speech. In the interest of the war it is necessary to sacrifice some of it.
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When everyone thinks alike, no one thinks very much.
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The Bill of Rights does not come from the people and is not subject to change by majorities. It comes from the nature of things. It declares the inalienable rights of man not only against all government but also against the people collectively.
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Where two factions see vividly each its own aspect, and contrive their own explanations of what they see, it is almost impossible for them to credit each other with honesty.
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The consent of the governed is more than a safeguard against ignorant tyrants: it is an insurance against benevolent despots as well.
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Men who are orthodox when they are young are in danger of being middle-aged all their lives.
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Men can know more than their ancestors did if they start with a knowledge of what their ancestors had already learned....That is why a society can be progressive only if it conserves its traditions.
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A free press is not a privilege but an organic necessity in a great society. ... A great society is simply a big and complicated urban society.
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He has honor if he holds himself to an ideal of conduct though it is inconvenient, unprofitable, or dangerous to do so.
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A useful definition of liberty is obtained only by seeking the principle of liberty in the main business of human life, that is to say, in the process by which men educate their responses and learn to control their environment.
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When distant and unfamiliar and complex things are communicated to great masses of people, the truth suffers a considerable and often a radical distortion. The complex is made over into the simple, the hypothetical into the dogmatic, and the relative into an absolute.
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We know that it is possible to harness desire to many interests, that evil is one form of a desire, and not the nature of it.
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The facts we see depend on where we are placed and the habits of our eyes.
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Unless the reformer can invent something which substitutes attractive virtues for attractive vices, he will fail.
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But what is propaganda, if not the effort to alter the picture to which men respond, to substitute one social pattern for another?
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The whole speculation about morality is an effort to find a way of living which men who live it will instinctively feel is good.
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A rational man acting in the real world may be defined as one who decides where he will strike a balance between what he desires and what can be done.
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The simple opposition between the people and big business has disappeared because the people themselves have become so deeply involved in big business.
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Every fairly intelligent person is aware that the price of respectability is a muffled soul bent on the trivial and the mediocre.
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It was in the recognition that there is in each man a final essence, that is to say an immortal soul which only God can judge, that a limit was set upon the dominion of men over men.
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