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Whether or not birth control is eugenic, hygienic, and economic, it is the most revolutionary practice in the history of sexual morals.

Walter Lippmann

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Walter Lippmann
Age: 85 †
Born: 1889
Born: September 23
Died: 1974
Died: December 14
Journalist
Politician
Writer
New York City
New York
History
Sexual
Revolutionary
Birth
Control
Economic
Practice
Eugenic
Moral
Hygienic
Whether
Morals

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The balancing of present wants against the future is really the central problem of ethics.
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The radical novelty of modern science lies precisely in the rejection of the belief... that the forces which move the stars and atoms are contingent upon the preferences of the human heart.
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Ideals are an imaginative understanding of that which is desirable in that which is possible.
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It is easier to develop great power than it is to know how to use it wisely.
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The mass of the reading public is not interested in learning and assimilating the results of accurate investigation.
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It is so much easier to talk of poverty than to think of the poor.
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Yet this corporate being, though so insubstantial to our senses, binds, in Burkes words, a man to his country with ties which though light as air, are as strong as links of iron. That is why young men die in battle for their countrys sake and why old men plant trees they will never sit under.
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In a place where everybody thinks alike, nobody thinks very much.
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Many a time I have wanted to stop talking and find out what I really believed.
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The disesteem into which moralists have fallen is due at bottom to their failure to see that in an age like this one the function of the moralist is not to exhort men to be good but to elucidate what the good is. The problem of sanctions is secondary.
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We know that it is possible to harness desire to many interests, that evil is one form of a desire, and not the nature of it.
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Every fairly intelligent person is aware that the price of respectability is a muffled soul bent on the trivial and the mediocre.
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Genius sees the dynamic purpose first, find reasons afterward.
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For the most part we do not first see, and then define, we define first and then see. In the great blooming, buzzing confusion of the outer world we pick out what our culture has already defined for us, and we tend to perceive that which we have picked out in the form stereotyped for us by our culture.
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Usually it is the stereotyped shape assumed by an event at an obvious place that uncovers the run of the news.
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Here lay the political genius of Franklin Roosevelt: that in his own time he knew what were the questions that had to be answered, even though he himself did not always find the full answer.
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He has honor if he holds himself to an ideal of conduct though it is inconvenient, unprofitable, or dangerous to do so.
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Social movements are at once the symptoms and the instruments of progress. Ignore them and statesmanship is irrelevant fail to use them and it is weak.
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It seems like topsy-turvyland to make reason serve the irrational. Yet that is just what it has always done, and ought always to do.
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Every man whose business it is to think knows that he must for part of the day create about himself a pool of silence.
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