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How can you make a revolution without executions?

Vladimir Lenin

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Vladimir Lenin
Age: 53 †
Born: 1870
Born: April 22
Died: 1924
Died: January 21
Economist
Journalist
Lawyer
Philosopher
Political Theorist
Politician
Revolutionary
Writer
Sinbirsk
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov
Vladimir Il'ich Lenin
Vladimir Il'ich Ul'yanov
Lenin
V. I. Ul'yanov
V. I. Lenin
Vladimir Ulyanov
Vladimir Ul'yanov
V. I. Ulyanov
Executions
Execution
Revolution
Without
Make

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The political form of a society wherein the proletariat is victorious in overthrowing the bourgeoisie will be a democratic republic.
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Despair is typical of those who do not understand the causes of evil, see no way out, and are incapable of struggle. The modern industrial proletariat does not belong to the category of such classes.
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To accept anything on trust, to preclude critical application and development, is a grievous sin.
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It is not for nothing that Skaldin in one part of his book quotes Adam Smith: we have seen that both his views and the character of his arguments in many respects repeat the theses of that great ideologist of the progressive bourgeoisie.
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Act with the greatest determination and on the offensive. The defensive is the death of every armed rising.
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Democracy is a form of the state, it represents, on the one hand, the organized, systematic use of force against persons but, on the other hand, it signifies the formal recognition of equality of citizens, the equal right of all to determine the structure of, and to administer, the state.
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A revolution is impossible without a revolutionary situation furthermore, not every revolutionary situation leads to revolution.
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The best way to destroy the capitalist system is to debauch the currency.
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When one makes a Revolution, one cannot mark time one must always go forward--or go back
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We shall not achieve socialism without a struggle.
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The constitution of Soviet Russia must insure equal rights for all citizens regardless of sex, creed, race, or nationality.
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The nearer we come to the full military suppression of the bourgeoisie, the more dangerous becomes to us the high flood of petty-bourgeois Anarchism. And the struggle against these elements cannot be waged with propaganda and agitation alone. ... The struggle must also be waged by applying force and compulsion.
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There can be nothing more abominable than religion.
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When a liberal is abused, he says, ‘Thank God they didn’t beat me.’ When he is beaten, he thanks God they didn’t kill him. When he is killed, he will thank God that his immortal soul has been delivered from its mortal clay.
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The progressive historical role of capitalism may be summed up in two brief propositions: increase in the productive forces of social labour, and the socialisation of that labour. But both these facts manifest themselves in extremely diverse processes in different branches of the national economy.
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Behind the epistemological scholasticism of empirio-criticism one must not fail to see the struggle of parties in philosophy, a struggle which in the last analysis reflects the tendencies and ideology of the antagonistic classes in modern society.
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Where the bourgeois economists saw a relation between things (the exchange of one commodity for another) Marx revealed a relation between people.
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Sometimes - history needs a push.
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All contemporary religions and churches, all and every kind of religious organization, Marxism has always viewed as organs of bourgeois reaction, serving as a defense of exploitation and the doping of the working-classes.
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Monopolies, oligarchy, the striving for domination and not for freedom, the exploitation of an increasing number of small or weak nations by a handful of the richest or most powerful nations -- all these have given birth to those distinctive characteristics of imperialism which compel us to define it as parasitic or decaying capitalism.
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