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When the basic structure of society is publicly known to satisfy its principles for an extended period of time, those subject to these arrangements tend to develop a desire to act in accordance with these principles and to do their part in institutions which exemplify them

John Rawls

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John Rawls
Age: 81 †
Born: 1921
Born: February 21
Died: 2002
Died: November 24
Pedagogue
Philosopher
Political Scientist
University Teacher
Baltimore
Maryland
Rawls
John Bordley Rawls
Time
Structure
Satisfy
Periods
Arrangements
Subjects
Basic
Principles
Develop
Known
Period
Exemplify
Society
Tend
Accordance
Desire
Institutions
Publicly
Part
Subject
Extended

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A political conception covers the right to vote, the political virtues, and the good of political life, but it doesn't intend to cover anything else.
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Clearly when the liberties are left unrestricted they collide with one another.
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The principles of justice are chosen behind a veil of ignorance.
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The fault of the utilitarian doctrine is that it mistakes impersonality for impartiality.
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The question is, we have a particular problem. How many religions are there in the United States? How are they going to get on together? One way, which has been the usual way historically, is to fight it out, as in France in the sixteenth century. That's a possibility.
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The natural distribution is neither just nor unjust nor is it unjust that persons are born into society at some particular position. These are simply natural facts. What is just and unjust is the way that institutions deal with these facts.
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If you compare the United States with Europe, my view is that what happened in Europe is that the church became deeply distrusted by people, because it sided with the monarchs. It instituted the Inquisition and became part of the repressive state apparatus. That never happened here. We don't have that history.
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Religious faith is an important aspect of American culture and a fact of American political life.
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There are various ways you might define the common good, but that would be one way you could do it.
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I live in a country where 90 or 95 percent of the people profess to be religious, and maybe they are religious, though my experience of religion suggests that very few people are actually religious in more than a conventional sense.
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Now the good of political life is a great political good. It is not a secular good specified by a comprehensive doctrine like those of Kant or Mill. You could characterize this political good as the good of free and equal citizens recognizing the duty of civility to one another: the duty to give citizens public reasons for one's political actions.
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Citizens can have their own grounding in their comprehensive doctrines, whatever they happen to be.
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There are infinitely many variations of the initial situation and therefore no doubt indefinitely many theorems of moral geometry.
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Liberal constitutional democracy is supposed to ensure that each citizen is free and equal and protected by basic rights and liberties.
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We must choose for others as we have reason to believe they would choose for themselves if they were at the age of reason and deciding rationally.
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An intuitionist conception of justice is, one might say, but half a conception.
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At best the principles that economists have supposed the choices of rational individuals to satisfy can be presented as guidelines for us to consider when we make our decisions.
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The extreme nature of dominant-end views is often concealed by the vagueness and ambiguity of the end proposed.
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