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As modern society is formed against the backdrop of a permanent war zone, a carceral state and hyper-militarism, the social stature of the military and soldiers has risen.

Henry Giroux

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Henry Giroux
Age: 81
Born: 1943
Born: September 18
Journalist
Teacher
Providence
Rhode Island
Society
Soldiers
War
Formed
Social
Zone
States
Permanent
Backdrop
Soldier
Militarism
Military
Hyper
Modern
Stature
State
Risen

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This is a moment in our history - that we can thank neoliberalism for - that has really destroyed what Hannah Arendt called the virtue of thoughtfulness.
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Youth are becoming the site of society's nightmares.
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Instead of schools being a pipeline to opportunity, schools are feeding our prisons.
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Look, in neoliberalism the ruling elite understand something.
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Given that by age 23, almost a third of Americans are arrested for a crime, it becomes clear that in the new militarized state young people, especially poor minorities, are viewed as predators, a threat to corporate governance, and are treated as disposable populations.
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The market-driven spectacle of war demands a culture of conformity, quiet intellectuals and a largely passive republic of consumers.
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War at home is matched by a war on youth. I wrote about this recently. Young people graduate with an average of $23,000 in student loan debt, and they are the ones saddled with it. Youth have become indentured servants and that turns them away from public service.
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We need to get rid of the growing army of temporary workers now filling the ranks of academy. This is scandalous it weakens both the power of the faculty and exploits these workers.
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If the ongoing struggles waged by young people are to matter, demonstrations and protests must give way to more sustainable organizations that develop alternative communities, autonomous forms of worker control, collective forms of health care, models of direct democracy and emancipatory modes of education.
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Neoliberal ideology is enormously powerful.
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I think in light of the other two registers that you mention, there's also that moment. I mean, to what degree do we begin to take education seriously about the production of a subject in which questions of individual and social agency are linked to democratic possibilities? And so for me, there are three registers there that we need to address.
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Increasingly fed by a moral and political hysteria, warlike values produce and endorse shared fears as the primary register of social relations.
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Trump provides a more direct and arrogant persona that produces the ugliness of a society ruled entirely by finance capital and savage market values, one that prides itself on the denigration of others as well as of justice, passion, and equality.
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There is a need for subjects who find intense pleasure in commodification of violence and a culture of cruelty.
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We need to figure how to defend higher education as a public good. If we can't do that, we're in trouble.
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Everyone is now a potential terrorist.
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Youth are no longer the place where society reveals its dreams.
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All of this in [Donald] Trump now has become so overt that it's difficult when we talk about repression not to talk about white supremacy, not to talk about its legacy, from slavery to lynching to mass incarceration, and what it has developed into.
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The real question is, until [Hillary Clinton] faces that legacy and admits that what her husband did was absolutely in the interest of a white supremacist nation, to put it bluntly, I just don't trust her.
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Poor minorities live in a new age of Jim Crow, one in which the ravages of segregation, racism, poverty and dashed hopes are amplified by the forces of privatization, financialization, militarization and criminalization, fashioning a new architecture of punishment, massive human suffering and authoritarianism.
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