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Grant me thirty years of equal division of inheritances and a free press, and I will provide you with a republic.
Alexis de Tocqueville
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Alexis de Tocqueville
Age: 53 †
Born: 1805
Born: July 29
Died: 1859
Died: April 16
Historian
Jurist
Philosopher
Politician
Sociologist
Writer
Paris
France
Alexis-Charles-Henri Clérel de Tocqueville
Tocqueville
Alexis-Charles-Henri Clerel de Tocqueville
Provide
Inheritances
Press
Inheritance
India
Grant
Equal
Grants
Free
Division
Years
Republic
Thirty
Presses
More quotes by Alexis de Tocqueville
The most durable monument of human labor is that which recalls the wretchedness and nothingness of man.
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It profits me but little, after all, that a vigilant authority always protects the tranquility of my pleasures and constantly averts all dangers from my path, without my care or concern, if this same authority is the absolute master of my liberty and my life.
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Nothing is more wonderful than the art of being free, but nothing is harder to learn how to use than freedom.
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Military discipline is merely a perfection of social servitude.
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In the United States, if a political character attacks a sect, this may not prevent even the partisans of that very sect, from supporting him but if he attacks all the sects together, every one abandons him and he remains alone.
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America is a land of wonders, in which everything is in constant motion and every change seems an improvement.
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The genius of democracies is seen not only in the great number of new words introduced but even more in the new ideas they express.
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Not until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits flame with righteousness did I understand the secret of her genius and power. America is great because America is good, and if America ever ceases to be good, America will cease to be great.
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However energetically society in general may strive to make all the citizens equal and alike, the personal pride of each individual will always make him try to escape from the common level, and he will form some inequality somewhere to his own profit.
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The public, therefore, among a democratic people, has a singular power, which aristocratic nations cannot conceive for it does not persuade others to its beliefs, but it imposes them and makes them permeate the thinking of everyone by a sort of enormous pressure of the mind of all upon the individual intelligence.
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I cannot help fearing that men may reach a point where they look on every new theory as a danger, every innovation as a toilsome trouble, every social advance as a first step toward revolution, and that they may absolutely refuse to move at all.
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Those which we call necessary institutions are simply no more than institutions to which we have become accustomed.
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A long war almost always places nations in this sad alternative: that their defeat delivers them to destruction and their triumph to despotism.
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The aspect of American society is animated, because men and things are always changing but it is monotonous, because all the changes are alike.
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Among a democratic people, where there is no hereditary wealth, every man works to earn a living, or is born of parents who have worked. The notion of labor is therefore presented to the mind, on every side, as the necessary, natural, and honest condition.
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Religion, which never intervenes directly in the government of American society, should therefore be considered as the first of their political institutions
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Righteous women in their circle of influence, beginning in the home, can turn the world around.
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Democratic nations care but little for what has been, but they are haunted by visions of what will be.
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The last thing abandoned by a party is its phraseology.
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To remain silent is the most useful service that a mediocre speaker can render to the public good.
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