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The Courts must declare the sense of the law and if they should be disposed to exercise will instead of judgement the consequences would be the substitution of their pleasure for that of the legislative body.

Alexander Hamilton

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Great Ambition, unchecked by principle, or the love of Glory, is an unruly Tyrant.
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I have thought it my duty to exhibit things as they are, not as they ought to be.
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To my utter astonishment I saw an airship descending over my cow lot. It was occupied by six of the strangest beings I ever saw. They were jabbering together, but we could not understand a word they said.
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A fondness for power is implanted in most men, and it is natural to abuse it when acquired.
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One great error is that we suppose mankind more honest than they are.
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[V]igor of government is essential to the security of liberty.
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But might not his [the president's] nomination be overruled? I grant it might, yet this could only be to make place for another nomination by himself. The person ultimately appointed must be object of his preference, though perhaps not in the first degree. It is also not very probable that his nomination would often be overruled.
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In testimony of their Respect For The Patriot of incorruptible Integrity, The Soldier of approved Valour The Statesman of consummate Wisdom Whose Talents and Virtues will be admired By Grateful Posterity Long after this Marble shall have mouldered into Dust.
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The same rule that teaches the propriety of a partition between the various branches of power, teaches us likewise that this partition ought to be so contrived as to render the one independent of the other.
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To presume a want of motives for such contests . . . would be to forget that men are ambitious, vindictive, and rapacious.
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Foreign influence is truly the Grecian horse to a republic. We cannot be too careful to exclude its influence.
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Government implies the power of making laws. It is essential to the idea of a law, that it be attended with a sanction or, in other words, a penalty or punishment for disobedience.
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Hence, in a state of nature, no man had any moral power to deprive another of his life, limbs, property, or liberty nor the least authority to command or exact obedience from him, except that which arose from the ties of consanguinity.
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[H]owever weak our country may be, I hope we shall never sacrifice our liberties.
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The obscurity is much oftener in the passions and prejudices of the reasoner than in the subject.
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Were it not that it might require too long a discussion, it would not be difficult to demonstrate that a large and well-organized republic can scarcely lose its liberty from any other cause than that of anarchy, to which a contempt of the laws is the high-road.
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As riches increase and accumulate in few hands . . . the tendency of things will be to depart from the republican standard.
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Can any reasonable man be well disposed toward a government which makes war and carnage the only means of supporting itself?
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The propriety of a law, in a constitutional light, must always be determined by the nature of the powers upon which it is founded.
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